“We drink because there is little culture here,” she said, as if it were a matter of fact. My student’s response was startling, disproportionate to the question I had put forward.
I had been asking several students about their favorite pastimes in conversation class, when the topic of drinking and Korean culture surfaced. I had seen the topic before. Curious as to why the topic came up so often, I asked them to give me a critique of their own culture. The questions I asked were relatively simple and I wasn’t expecting much. After all, alcohol forms an integral part of the human diet the world over, save Adventists and Muslims. But her response threw me for a loop, and sent me turning over rocks in search of an explanation.
When you encounter extremes, or variations of what you are accustomed to, your mind is forced to ask in order to comprehend. This is what happened to me when I observed Korean drinking culture for the first time. Not because I have never observed drinking culture before, but because I saw that the drinking culture here was more a form of widespread alcoholism. Systemic. Entrenched.
You see it in the many advertisements and restaurants, and in the streets. Where I currently live, in an area known as the ‘Manhattan’ of Korea, it is not uncommon to see groups of young men–professionals–still dressed in their suits and ties from work, staggering around in a drunken glee as early as 9:00pm. I can’t even begin to count the groups of older gentlemen I’ve seen carousing in the early evening, men my father’s age, arms slung around each others shoulders, like schoolboys at the beginning of Summer break. Another interesting sight are the groups of tipsy young women who walk up and down the streets at night, giggling and chattering like birds.
You see it in the classroom, too. I’ve had students come to class at 6:30am, gray in the face, reeking of old cologne, sweat, and cigarette smoke, completely hung-over. One student, a petite girl, missed class on one occasion, informing me that she had drunk from 12:00pm to 3:00am several days earlier. Two days later she was still visibly hung-over. Another student missed an exam, explaining to me with bleary eyes that he had to celebrate an important deal with a client and was therefore ‘sick’ on test day.
So, what do Koreans drink, exactly? The choice drink here is, without argument, Soju, a clear liquor traditionally made from rice. Soju is fairly inexpensive and can be consumed with a meal, or on its own; but always in a group. A Korean friend of mine explained to me that a bottle of Soju actually has an odd number of servings, which means that, if you are drinking in an even-numbered group, there will always be at least one or more empty soju glasses at the end of the bottle. The odd number of servings is no coincidence. To compensate for the empty soju glasses at the table, you must order a second bottle. The cycle repeats itself to the point of drunkenness. I imagine it makes for good business, if you are in the liquor industry.
There are a few simple explanations that come to mind regarding the issue of Korean drinking culture. First of all, the Korean work ethic is prolific, exhausting, and impressive. Expectations at work, school, and home are comparatively high. Put simply, society has demands. The pressure is enough to make any Westerner buckle. Drinking eliminates said pressure, opening the door for a brief moment of ‘freedom’ where, in essence, one can operate outside the bounds of society’s many expectations. Koreans also drink for the sense of togetherness that alcohol brings; the feelings of isolation that come with working long and tedious hours dissolve as the shots are passed around. In addition, drinking is a legitimate step in the deal-making process; specifically, drinking with your business partners and clients is important for PR and building trust. The parents of the bride and groom even consume shots of soju to celebrate the union at a traditional Korean wedding.
Looking for a different perspective, I ran some of my thoughts about Korean drinking culture and, specifically, my student’s comment by some friends of mine, one a Korean-American, the other, a Korean who has spent a considerable amount of time outside Korea. Both of them–almost immediately–pointed me back one hundred years to 1910, when the Korean peninsula was forcibly annexed and colonized by Japan. During this dark period, Korean material culture was systematically destroyed: centuries worth of documents and records were erased; Korean martial arts and traditional wrestling were banned; and many of the country’s national treasures also disappeared or were taken to Japan.
The people suffered, too, immeasurably. Koreans were forcibly conscripted into the Japanese military, or were made to work–humiliatingly–for their occupiers as laborers. The disgrace did not stop there, though, as tens of thousands of Korean women were forced to serve the Japanese troops as “comfort women”, a blot which remains a dark and controversial topic to this day. Their land was taken, too. By the end of the Second World War there were close to 1 million Japanese settlers on the Korean peninsula. Japanese was even made compulsory in school. Korea was, for lack of a better word, “raped”, her culture dismantled, her land seized and redistributed, her people humiliated. Korea, the “land of the morning calm”, all but died during those years.
The loss of material culture and the reminder of what had been were soon compounded by the tragedy of the Korean War (1950-1953), which set the peninsula back even further. In the aftermath of these events, restoring Korea to its former glory came secondary to survival. Buildings were erected—thoughtlessly—with only progress on the mind; and few attempts were made to restore the aesthetic qualities—the quaintness—that had characterized Korea for centuries. The architecture that emerged after the Korean War, a form of architecture perpetuated to this day, was drab, gray, and functional. The “land of the morning calm” would never look or feel the same.
And so they grieve. And in this grief there is a sense of shame and loss.
The story of Korea’s recent past reminded me that there are moments in the course of human history that shape our collective consciousness. We all have defining events in our narrative, moments where something was forcibly taken from us, where something was broken. The Jews have the Holocaust; the Armenians, the genocide under the Ottomans; and Americans, the crumbling of the Twin Towers. We may not see it or feel it on a daily basis, but we are all deeply influenced–driven–by the specter of collective tragedy. My point is that the Korea of today is shaped by the forced removal and suppression of her culture and people nearly one hundred years ago.
This grief is embodied in the Korean idea of Han, which one Korean theologian sums up as a “feeling of unresolved resentment against injustices suffered, a sense of helplessness because of the overwhelming odds against one, a feeling of acute pain in one’s guts and bowels, making the whole body writhe and squirm, and an obstinate urge to take revenge and to right the wrong—all these combined.”
One could easily counter the whole notion of collective grief in this circumstance by pointing to the recent successes of the Korean economy, a miracle on its own and a veritable force for the twenty-first century. Is that not a sign of recovery? Perhaps. But does material productivity and technological progress necessarily equate emotional recovery? Peace? Stability? I think not.
One of my favorite songwriters, Ben Harper, in his song “When It’s Good”, sings a line that speaks to my student’s comment:
“Some drink to remember, some to forget, some for satisfaction, some to regret…”
This is Han, the unseen, immutable vein of grief she so simply expressed, but that we all, in the end, share.